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However, those who reported more restricted networks than others included some of those who had the highest levels of problems. They point out that, nonetheless, and ‘arguably more important’, there were notable limits in terms of actual, enacted informal support (p. 125). In reality, when asked to describe precisely what support they received, parents were much less clear about their ability to enlist support when they needed it. The authors point out that this may reﬂect, in part, parents’ own attitudes or willingness to accept help.
One hopes, and is entitled to assume, that this dimension is well appreciated by those who work with such families. The challenge is to incorporate that dimension of understanding as part of an active plan for support and intervention; hitherto, action in poverty has too often been reactive, for example, the ‘Friday afternoon, no giro’ phenomenon, without a sense of continuity and purpose. However, it is unfair to place the responsibility for this on ﬁeld workers. For children’s services in social service departments, organisational ambivalence about its discretionary powers has given them little training or policy guidance about their constructive use.
Some problems arise from the lack of research and knowledge in the UK in this area. There are three dimensions to this: ﬁrst, we need much more detailed information about the child rearing practices of particular groups. These are subtle processes which cannot be viewed through a telescope. Second, we need to know what difﬁculties or changes of behaviour arise from living as a minority group within a majority culture. Third, the above has to be applied to the problem of neglect. However, as we shall see, this relative dearth of knowledge is itself signiﬁcant because of the anxiety and sensitivity surrounding the investigation of culture.